Back to Publications

What Works for Wellbeing in Greenland?

By | Article
December 17, 2019
A helicopter ready to leave from Qaqortoq heliport which overlooks ice-infested waters and rolling snowy hills on an overcast day

A helicopter ready to leave from Qaqortoq heliport with “storis” (big ice) in the water in the background. “Storis” is ice drifting from the North. It is present in spring time and during the time when “storis” comes, it is a challenge to supply goods and transport passengers by boat. Photo: Naja Carina Steenholdt

This article discusses life modes and subjective wellbeing in Greenland from a social scientific perspective. Based on interviews conducted in South Greenland in spring 2018, the article seeks to give insight to the interrelation between subjective wellbeing and life modes. Furthermore, the article will discuss this interrelation in the light of Greenland’s potential independence.

Greenland has undergone major and rapid societal changes over the past century going from colonization in the beginning of the 20th century to self-rule in 2009. From the outside there tend to be focus on the extraction of raw materials, arctic security issues and the potential of the north-west passage. All with economic and strategic significance for many countries, besides Greenland. Internal debates in Greenland are predominantly circling around infrastructure (especially airports), fishing quotas and the desire for independence. Being part of the Danish Realm, the country’s economy is still dependent on an annual block grant from Denmark, which accounts for just about half of the national income. Parallel to the rising political desire for independence, public health is reported dropping in certain areas, including self-assessed health and increased social inequality.1) At the same time, living conditions are gradually improving in cities, so more people are moving from village to city, especially to the capitol Nuuk.2)

No one can know for sure how independence will affect lives in Greenland, however, by understanding the interrelation between life modes and subjective wellbeing in Greenlandic society, it is easier to understand what is important to the Greenlandic people and what is at stake when major changes are imminent.

Method

The primary data in this article comes from field work in April 2018 in the south Greenlandic cities and towns: Qaqortoq, Nanortalik, Narsarsuaq and Qassiarsuk. I conducted 16 semi-structured interviews with women and men between the ages of 18-65, which were found via snowball method; i.e. by asking person-to-person if they knew someone who might be interested in participating. I also called out for people via Facebook groups and asked people I met on the street or in the supermarket. 11 women and 5 men participated in the study. The interviewees were primarily asked open-ended questions from an interview guide. The aim with the questions – in addition to getting the interviewer to reflect on what a good life is – was to have them assess their overall life experience, among other things. In the interview, information regarding all aspects of their everyday life where collected, e.g. demographic information, leisure time activities as well as geographical and cultural affiliation. A more in-depth analysis and discussion can be read (in Danish) in the special edition of Politik published in June 2019.3)

Life modes in Greenland

Subjective wellbeing and the notion of the good life is something we tend to associate with the values and cultural norms in a person’s life. The physical locality of where a person lives is also important. It is a classical notion that people have substantially different ways of life in a city versus in a village, and values ​​and attitudes about how quality of life is perceived, substantially varies between the two. Greenland is a country with vastly different and contrasting cultures and ways of life and as in many other countries, there are different views of what a good life is from city to village and from person to person. 

According to the Danish ethnographer Thomas Højrup’s life mode analysis, life modes are the different forms of praxis or conceptual systems created by society’s structure and production mode. Analyzing life modes is interesting because it enables us to understand what we do not know or are blind to about other conceptual systems in society.4)

Culture, values and norms correlates with life modes, however, being an island in the high and remote north, the country is dependent on importing food and goods. Thus, to become better acquainted with what also constitutes life modes in general, one can look at the degree of supply and employment in the different regions. In the ice free areas south of the polar circle there is generally a higher degree of supply. There is also a relation between low supply areas e.g. in North West Greenland and number of self-sustaining people, typically working as hunters and fishermen. High supply areas tends to have more people working in public administration. Conditions in East Greenland are different. The area is more remote, supply is low and more people are dependent on welfare support than in any other place in Greenland.5)

In Greenland, a place is normally characterized as a city when there are more than 500 inhabitants. The capital Nuuk with its 18.000 inhabitants is a city reminiscent of a modern city, as seen e.g. in Scandinavia. One can argue both for and against whether there is an urban way of life in the cities of Qaqortoq, Ilulissat and Sisimiut, which do not have quite the same offerings. Compared to a city in Europe, there are probably more common features with a village, but in a Greenlandic context, they are cities. The rural way of life in Greenland characterizes life in the settlements and in the smaller towns. People know each other and new faces, such as newcomers and tourists, do not go unnoticed in the streets. Life modes and cultures are practiced differently from region to region. This is e.g. reflected culinary; in the north, birds are fermented under rocks, and in the south, they cook sheep heads for dinner. Linguistically, it is also easy for a native to hear whether one is from Uummannaq in the north, the capital Nuuk, Nanortalik in the south or Ittoqqortoormiit in the east. There are also certain cultural commonalities throughout settlements and towns. For example, it is common to greet and answer yes and no through facial mimicry in the same way throughout Greenland. Surnames and names in general, as well as year of birth, are also a special cultural national issue.6) The conversation between people, whether in town or settlement, often falls on surnames. If the surname is recognized, you might be related to each other, which is very common. These few examples are far from all cultural commonalities, but they do indicate a cultural need for social cohesion that go across space and lifestyles.

The concept of subjective well-being

Subjective well-being, also interchangeably referred to as perceived quality of life, is a broad and inclusive concept and in simple terms, it is about how the individual subjectively evaluate his or her well-being, when all aspects of life, material and non-material, are taken into account.7)

The importance of nature and mobility

In the past, the Greenlandic community had a subsistence economic structure. Subsistence economy is when the house production (which involves catching, fishing and harvesting plants and berries) is the basis of the household’s existence. However, people do not live this way anymore. Subsistence economic activities, on the other hand, are about more than just survival; as Poppel and Kruse likewise found, it is also about cultural vitality and personal choice.8) It is common to combine paid work with nature activities, such as catching and fishing, as well as sharing it with family, friends and surroundings. This mix of market economy and subsistence economy, which societal significance is widely recognized (see Steenholdt, 2019 for references) and is found in all cities and towns, and is a common part of everyday life for the majority of people. This was also confirmed within with my fieldwork in South Greenland in spring 2018. Here, just over half of the interviewees indicated that they, as a normal part of everyday life, participated in hunting activities without being professional catchers or fishermen and that it was significant to their sense of wellbeing. In total, the importance of nature to the quality of life experienced has the highest score among the answers. In addition, I discovered that it also meant something to the interviewees’ quality of life where they physically lived. Especially in Nanortalik, unsolicited thoughts were expressed about moving to especially Nuuk, primarily to get closer to family. In three of the eight interviews from the city, it was stated (in an often very emotional tone) that the satisfaction of life would be better if they could move to Nuuk.9) Migration out of the country and between cities is a recurring topic addressed nationwide and which remains relevant. In 2010, results from the Greenland Self-Government Mobility Survey showed that more than 40% of the population wanted to move within the next 5 years.10)

Wellbeing and political independence

The fieldwork results in South Greenland show that wellbeing among other things was especially about culture, nature and family. Analyzing the conversations, it is arguable that quality of life largely was connected with the sense of freedom for the interviewees. Their freedom to practice a particular culture, the freedom to be in nature, the freedom to be together, and the freedom to choose where they want to live. Not surprisingly, the value of freedom is also part of what drives the desire for independence for Greenland. Freedom has a positive impact on our individual quality of life. A nearby example is Denmark, which is among the freest countries in the world and is at the top of the international happiness measures in the World Happiness Report.11)

Looking at comparable countries that have become independent in recent times, there are trends that indicate that increased freedom in the form of national independence, in many ways, reinforces the need to express culture and community cohesion. In Norway and Iceland, the population exercises their nationality in several ways, which may relate to their relatively recent independent status. It is interesting to look at Norway and Iceland because both countries have had an affiliation with Denmark and because they both have common features with Greenland in the form of a relatively small population, special natural conditions and some seclusion from other countries. Therefore, it is possible to assume that the cultural movement that has taken place in the two countries can also take place in Greenland if it pursues secession.

In Norway, cultural marking takes place largely through the wearing of national costumes and by the celebration of national days.12) In Iceland, there is a very extroverted national profiling.13) For instance, the Icelanders makes a distinct effort in prioritizing their native language. Today, many young Icelanders do not speak Danish, and they prefer to communicate in English if not in Icelandic. This is the result of a longer political effort to strengthen the Icelandic language and at the same time to distance itself from the Danish language.14) 

It is far from certain that all the cultural markings seen in Norway and Iceland have to do with independence, but it seems that cultural vitality and cohesion have been reinforced in the two countries after their detachment. Thus, one can also assume that independence can lead to the already strong Greenlandic culture becoming even more pronounced in its expression.

Wellbeing in Future Greenland depends on how you look at it

In order to discuss quality of life in the context of independence, we need to put quality of life in context with something that we can assume that independence will also affect. How will independence e.g. affect the culture or the local connection? Latest statistics from Greenland Statistics revealed that the population is declining and that in the future Greenland there will be even fewer (native) inhabitants; especially children and young people as well as people of working age.15) If you imagine that more people will emigrate or move from the smaller places to Nuuk, one might ask what independence will mean for life modes and quality of life. If there is less people to sustain business, if public welfare remains status quo and people move from the outer areas and into the cities, this is likely to put additional pressure on the welfare system. Furthermore, as stated in the previous section, people tend to link their quality of life with the feeling of personal freedom. Comparing with other Nordic countries that have achieved independence, it opens up for the argument that the quality of life – insofar as it is linked to the sense of freedom and the need to exercise one’s culture and to feel cohesion through it – will be enhanced if Greenland becomes independent.

On more objective terms, the Economic Council has pointed out in their reports and on several occasions that if independence comes into effect without an improvement on economic conditions it will have critical consequences on the living standard in general.16) Thus, it can also be argued that independence will adversely affect individual quality of life if it means that the population is financially deficient and cannot maintain a reasonable living standard.

A few remarks: Russian roulette or the safe bet? 

This article offers an insight into some life mode patterns in Greenland in a quality of life perspective and it seems that there is a correlation between what we know today about life modes and quality of life and the development towards independence in Greenland. The Greenlandic people are adaptable and have found ways to combine urban and rural life modes, however, there are also factors that cannot be changed at once, such as degree of education and financial situation. With the knowledge we have so far, one can then consider what should come first; independence or a strengthened people and a sustainable economy. It is not certain that one rule out the other, however, if the choice eventually becomes independence first, it seems quite like a game of Russian roulette with the quality of life and wellbeing of the Greenlandic people. Assumingly, there are no safe bets when it comes to these pivotal decisions. The only thing one can say with certainty is that history has shown so far that there are no negative consequences associated with a healthy economy or a well-educated population.

This article was originally part of a special issue in the journal Politik, see it here (in Danish). Naja Carina Steenholdt is a PhD student at Ilisimatusarfik and Aalborg University.

References[+]