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How to Develop Inclusive, Sustainable Urban Spaces in the European Arctic and Beyond – Insights from Kiruna

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November 22, 2022
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The city of Kiruna, Sweden, from above with the iron ore mine in the back

Kiruna from above – impressions from our our research stay in Kiruna 2021. Photo: Jacqueline Götze

Indigenous peoples have inhabited the Arctic since time immemorial, establishing rich regional cultures and governance systems long before the introduction of modern borders. The Arctic Institute’s 2022 Colonialism Series explores the colonial histories of Arctic nations and the still-evolving relationships between settler governments and Arctic Indigenous peoples in a time of renewed Arctic exploration and development.

The Arctic Institute Colonialism Series 2022

At first glance, cities in the European Arctic1) differ from a conventional framing of an urban space that is mostly shaped by discourses from bigger cities in the south (metrocentrism). European Arctic cities are often defined in contrast to urban settlements in the south through what they are not. This ‘othering’ is reproducing “hierarchies where small communities are constructed as less attractive than big cities.”2) In the Arctic Fennoscandian3) context we focus on in our paper, urban settlements are often sparsely populated, remote and framed as “small urban spots in the wilderness.”4) They are resource rich and many are built on Indigenous homeland. These cities are already experiencing severe impacts induced by the climate crisis to a larger extent than their southern counterparts. Due to their number of inhabitants, in other world regions one might not classify them as urban. Nyseth sees Arctic cities as an “urban paradox, challenging what we know and think about what urbanity means,”5) while Segerstedt refers to it as “small town urbanity.”6) European Arctic cities are often located in vast municipal areas and are acting as social, political and transportation hubs – which is also the case for our focus city Kiruna.

Urbanisation in the European Arctic is closely linked to colonisation and economic development. In the case of Kiruna, the most northern city of Sweden, with large scale industrial extractions of iron ore and in the realm of colonisation, it was built as a ‘model city’ to accommodate mineworkers and their families. This urban identity of a mining city mostly shaped by male workers and associated with ‘hard work’ endured over 130 years. Currently, the city is going through a major process of urban transformation because parts of the city need to be relocated due to mining activities. The future plans for mining involve a large-scale transition towards zero CO2 emissions and the strategy will keep the mine in operation for at least 40 more years.7) Thus, the state-owned company Luossavaara-Kiirunavaara Aktiebolag (LKAB) invests in urban transformation and also of its own company with the objective of being CO2 neutral by 2045. This will lead to an immense increase of demand of renewable energy (RE) – facilities like wind power parks will be built and further developed, which might also intensify conflicts over land use.8)

During our research stay in Kiruna in August 2021, we could identify different manifestations in the city indicating this powerful urban identity shaped by mining. We wondered, however, whether also other urban identities are present and in how far they can be expressed. Kiruna, in northern Sámi Giron, is part of the Sámi homeland, Sápmi. Long before the establishment of the mine and the city, Sámi were living in this area. Additionally, tourism, space industry and computer sciences are more recently established economies in Kiruna that attract people. With some of these economies, the mining activities are in conflict with when it comes to land use. How are these people (re)presented in the city? Are urban identities contested or can multiple identities coexist that enable an inclusive access to the city?

Against the backdrop of this nexus of urbanisation, resource extraction and colonialism, the concept of indigeneity is often following a rural construction. Indigenous peoples are historically framed as rural people not as part of an urban environment, which still favours exclusion processes and by that hinders “progress in delivering Agenda 2030 on inclusive urban development.”9) The local level is, however, decisive for achieving the goals expressed by the 2030 Agenda in an inclusive and durable way. By developing inclusive urban areas, empowering Indigenous people to participate in the urban environment and express their identities in urban spaces, cities could become multi-identical and thus, more just places. Beyond the European Arctic case, equality also includes the consideration of different knowledges in sustainable urban development to cope with the climate crisis and its local impacts.

Based on a literature review and our field research, we identify two research aims to be examined following an interdisciplinary approach combining engineering and social sciences’ lenses: (1) In how far are different identities visible and tangible in Kiruna? (2) How can just and inclusive structures that are open to minorities’ identities as stated by the 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development support in achieving a culturally more sensitive urban development? During our research stay, we took field notes and wrote research diaries as well as conducted participatory observations. We were able to talk to different people involved in urban development in Kiruna, for instance with representatives from the municipality, the Sámi community, local citizens and researchers. This data was coded inductively and deductively applying a qualitative content analysis developing codes on urban identities, participation, inclusiveness, sustainable urban development and knowledges. These qualitative methods from the social sciences were complemented with insights from engineering, such as how to frame future projects and innovative concepts to have an inclusive approach, and ensure a transition that is both green and just.

Conceptual framework

Following a literature review and based on our insights from the research stay in Kiruna, we identified a research gap on sustainable urban development and urban identities with a particular focus on the inclusion of Indigenous peoples in the European Arctic context. In the case of the mining city of Kiruna, also assessments on limited research on social issues10) and social sustainability11) in the context of mining communities need to be mentioned. As already stated by Nyseth and Pedersen12) most research in the field of urban development and Indigenous minorities is focusing on colonial settler states and Latin America.13) Despite many similarities with view to assimilation processes, discrimination and racism, the political and socio-economic situation of Sámi people differs from other Indigenous peoples.14) We frame the European Arctic as a world region with a particular colonial history and present structures, which is why, we argue to explore an example from this region in more detail.15) Highlighting the role of cities for achieving sustainability and understanding sustainability as an objective that can only be achieved through co-production bringing together different knowledge systems and interdisciplinary research,16) we want to contribute to this gap by combining engineering and social sciences’ research on urban development with a particular focus on the inclusion of Indigenous peoples in sustainable urban development. Furthermore, with our case study on Kiruna, we cannot only address internal colonisation processes but also its nexus with urbanisation and resource extraction.17) By that, our research is also relevant beyond the (European) Arctic in the context of resource extraction and urbanisation on Indigenous lands.

The case of Kiruna as a resource rich territory and a model town

The Arctic is especially vulnerable to impacts of climate change.18) Other challenges the region is facing are its scarce population, remoteness, (often-gendered) outmigration and infrastructural issues. Furthermore, the European Arctic is rich in natural resources and displays great potentials for the promotion of renewables (such as hydropower, wind power, etc.).19) Kiruna/Giron is an interesting case and worth analysing in terms of transformations showing global and local links of developments as well as between the so-called centre and periphery. Centre-periphery economic development refers to “colonial or imperial expansion, where the far-flung corners of a polity provide raw materials to be processed and marketed in and for the imperia or national ‘centre’.”20) Kiruna belongs to the Norrbotten’s Technological Megasystem, which can be framed as “territories of so-called ‘extended urbanization’.”21)

Kiruna has the largest underground iron ore mine in the world operated by the state-owned company LKAB, which produces almost 90% of Europe’s iron ore. Due to its mining activities, the city of Kiruna needs to be relocated to other, safer areas, around 5 km east from the former city centre. Starting at the beginning of the 20th century, mining has changed, offering fewer jobs for more skilled people in the realm of technological shifts today, while more and more people commute and do not live or pay taxes anymore in the municipality.22) As part of the green transition, LKAB plans to produce so-called ‘green steel’23) and the electricity demand will increase from 2 to 50 TWh/year by 2040, thus becoming Sweden’s largest consumer of electricity.24)

Besides LKAB and the municipality itself being the biggest employers,25) also other economic sectors are present in Kiruna. For instance, forestry, hydropower, tourism, research, reindeer herding, arts and culture.26) Sámi people, a Finno-Ugric people inhabiting the Arctic, have been living in the area since time immemorial. Their traditional land, Sápmi, stretches over national borders, including today’s northern parts of Norway, Sweden and Finland as well as the Kola Peninsula in Russia. The mine in Kiruna and its linked infrastructure are impacting their livelihoods widely, for instance, their pasture land for reindeer herding is getting smaller, migratory routes are cut, and climatic changes are affecting reindeers’ food access.27)

Urban identities, inclusiveness and sustainability

Urban identities are socially constructed and constantly re-negotiated.28) Urban circumstances are shaping urban identities but also vice versa, with citizens shaping urban identities and their material expressions, such as in the form of infrastructure. Who has access to infrastructure, also implies questions of distribution and equity, which can frame processes of infrastructure as translated politics.29) Infrastructure is local but also presents links to other governance levels. In the case of Kiruna, examples are the railways, streets, but also how the iron ore from the mine is used for products produced in other regions. Which identity is expressed in the urban environment and in its infrastructure? “The identity stems from the place´s cultural, social, economic and geographical situatedness,”30) with everyone ‘producing’ the place. Furthermore, with urban identities being dynamic and socially constructed, institutions play a central role for expression and identification.31) Against the background of colonisation and urbanisation, with the central role of cities in colonial expansions, urban development often still reproduces colonial relations.32) In the case of Kiruna, this nexus is even more complex in the context of a ‘resource extraction urbanism’33) influencing urban identities.

Inclusive urban development can contribute to an environment in which different urban identities can thrive, co-exist and interplay with each other. Framing sustainability as a three-dimensional phenomenon, inclusiveness belongs to social sustainability, which is “about creating a dynamic and inclusive society in the “here and now”, although, at the same time, it also includes a longer frame and a wider geographical area.”34) Furthermore, this cultural diversity is seen as important as biological diversity for the global ecosystem since all people have different views on environmental, social and political processes.35) Following inclusiveness through participation, “top-down decisions” are avoided, and “consensus” is fostered.36) An example of a “bottom-up” perspective are grassroots initiatives, which, according to Grabs et al. could contribute to a sustainable transition through involving citizens on the local level.37) It has proven to be successful in creating acceptance and understanding of new ideas, such as local installations of solar cells. Some success factors are better life quality, trust, and public commitment. With a “bottom-up” perspective,38) decisions are more durable as many different perspectives and identities are represented.39) To create an innovative city, it is suggested to particularly “include the voices of under-represented groups and promote their local, indigenous knowledge, experiences and relations.”40) Including minorities’ identities and knowledges – otherwise marginalised – ensures their access to the city, services and a fair share of public goods. These approaches not only make urban identities visible in their diversity, it also impacts “the quality of democracy and citizenship”41) as well as wellbeing of minorities.42)

In the particular case of Indigenous peoples’ urban identities and knowledges, including their perspectives further supports preserving cultures and histories that were threatened by long lasting effects of colonisation. There is a history in Sweden to neglect Sámi knowledge and only refer to it when it is thought to be of importance for a specific situation, such as during the hydroelectric development in Sweden.43) Acknowledging Indigenous knowledge also includes respecting their technological innovations in the same way like non-Indigenous innovations. Öhman highlights that Sámi traditions and knowledges are dynamic and innovative (e.g. skis are a Sámi invention),44) which challenges non-innovative/traditional narratives on Indigenous peoples. This framing very much resonates with a dominant rural narrative on Indigenous peoples – rural areas are in contrast to urban areas less associated with innovations.45) Indigenous, local knowledges and their approval fulfil an essential role in the transition towards achieving an inclusive urban development and a global sustainability meanwhile protecting Indigenous heritage.46)

A green and just transition

In Sápmi, the land and its people have long been threatened and exploited by different competing land uses, such as forestry,47) mining,48) infrastructure projects, hydropower,49) and more recently, the production of RE in wind power plants.50) As with the case of the mining industry and wind- and hydropower, evidence shows that reindeer husbandry, fishing, traditional transportation and waterways are affected by disturbances from competing land use.51)

In Kiruna, both the mining activities and expansion of RE production will increase. According to LKAB, the mine’s electricity demand will increase immensely. Currently, their most viable option for energy is land-based wind energy,52) and the prognosis of the future wind power development is a rapid expansion,53) putting further stress on Sámi livelihood. Resource extraction and RE production on Indigenous land are increasing, and if these developments are pushed forward without respecting Indigenous rights to land, a green transition that is also just will be challenged. The transition towards a sustainable future has to be both green and just, but currently there are injustices towards Sámi people that need to be further addressed.54)

Findings

Referring to the two research objectives of this paper, we firstly present our findings on different identities that are visible and tangible in Kiruna. The mine is omnipresent in the city: you can see it from almost everywhere and you can hear and feel the mining activities. The identity as a mining city is dominant. The huge urban transformation that is currently pushed forward to continue the mining illustrates again how mining very much shapes urban development. We further identified a strong divide between different groups, people who are affiliated with the mine, and those who are not, the ones dependent on a healthy environment, which is threatened by the mine, like reindeer herders, people involved in nature tourism, citizens enjoying a healthy environment. This is very much clashing with the state-owned company itself representing national interests and priorities. The last divide very much resonates with the centre/periphery lens and further reflects on the nexus of urbanisation, resource development and colonisation in Kiruna.

In the official narrative, the mine is always framed as the reason the city exists, however, Sámi settlements were there long before the establishment of the mine. Today, the Sámi are not a prominent part of the official narrative of the city, although the city emblem contains besides the sign for iron ore also a snow grouse (Giron, the Northern Sámi word for Kiruna, means snow grouse). An interesting fact is that the city wanted to have the Sámi Parliament building in Kiruna but due to insecure grounds due to mining activities, Östersund was chosen instead to host the new building.55) The mine in a way displaces Sámi representation.

A narrative on the Sámi as part of the city is also picked up at the new city hall, which has a Sámi drum as a door handle on its main doors and a Sámi artwork directly installed in the entrance hall. Unfortunately, neither the drum nor the artwork had a lot of information. It was hard to understand the background of the pieces as they were detached from their original contexts. Furthermore, the city hall also hosts an exhibition about colonialism and assimilation of Sámi, but told like a story from the past. In general, we missed a critical discussion of long-lasting effects of colonialism and the relevance for the development of today’s Kiruna. Furthermore, in our talk with a representative of the city administration in the new city hall, the Sámi were not mentioned once.

In general, the relation between the city and the mine can be described as quite paradoxical: the city cannot be where the mine is but without the mine, the city cannot exist.56) The official city narrative was presented to us as inherently connected to the mine – the city exists due to the mine and a future without the mine is seen as difficult if not impossible. The image of the mine as the mother who gives milk and nurtures the city and its inhabitants is presented in official documents from the city and the state-owned company. In the case of the Sámi and reindeer herding, this land use also conflicts with the mine: where the mine is, reindeers cannot be. This resonates with Segerstedt,57) who found that although its omnipresence, the mine in Kiruna is “not at all as present in the production of place in dialogues on sustainability and attractiveness”, which means citizens can envision a (sustainable) future without the mine challenging the strong urban identity of a mining city.

Resource extraction is a time-limited endeavour, which is, however not reflected in the material forms of the built infrastructure around the mine.58) Also Segerstedt and Abrahamsson add that “communities and mining companies need to be prepared for mine closures and other major changes in mining operations,”59) meaning a sort of exit strategy and future urban plans without the mine. The new narrative promoted by LKAB on sustainable mining shows a pattern that is also visible in other world regions and contexts.60) Not only in the case of LKAB, technical solutions are promoted to build CO2 neutral economies. European Arctic lands and resources are needed to enable resource-intense lifestyles showing “multiple conflicts arising from resource-based development in sparsely populated areas.”61) Against this backdrop of mining on Sápmi, many researchers and Sámi representatives speak of a new phase of colonialism in the form of so-called green colonialism, “the practice of exploiting indigenous lands on the excuse of renewable energy.”62)

With our research, we not only wanted to describe our assessment of the status quo but also wanted to explore potential futures: how can all people and the mine share the city, its services, and surrounding nature to create an inclusive and more just city? With this question, we transfer to the second research objective of this paper on inclusive and just structures that are open to minorities’ identities for achieving a more culturally sensitive sustainable urban development. With mixing methods from social sciences and engineering, we argue for inclusive and direct participation structures that consider different people, their knowledges, interests, needs and ideas built on 2030 Agenda targets to inform urban development practices. To ensure an equal representation in participation processes quotas are needed for different minority groups, different genders, age groups and livelihoods. Moreover, during these processes people need to be encouraged to share their perspectives through reflecting on local contexts to avoid one solution fits all approaches. Built infrastructure needs to be framed as an expression and manifestation of dominance structures but also vice versa that materialisations influence perceptions and actions. In this manner, an urban development that is culturally sensitive through the systemic inclusion of different groups is less likely to bypass interests of minorities and ignore their urban identities.

Insights from engineering can support with innovative projects and concepts that acknowledge issues with inclusivity, urban identities and justice. Actions should be implemented favouring a holistic view, transparent work, social acceptance, and decentralised bottom-up perspectives in cities, such as grassroots initiatives. Additionally, frameworks based on multiple dimensions, creating a holistic picture63) could support cities in creating innovative living spaces for all, leading a just transition in urban areas with focus on wellbeing and sustainability. This also includes the awareness of using resources with respect – particularly against the background of conflicting land uses due to green energy facilities.

Discussion & conclusion

Kiruna was presented to us as a mining city, excluding other people with other urban identities. Due to this lack of presence of other urban identities, the urban space often does not reflect diversity and thus, achieving inclusive and sustainable urban development is very much challenged. Kiruna represents the nexus of urbanisation, colonisation and resource extraction as well as issues arising from centre-periphery discussions. The city is going through an urban transformation, which will be an interesting case to learn from also for other cities that might face huge transformations in the future, e.g., in the realm of adaptations to the climate crisis. However, how inclusive and hence just is the urban space and what does that mean for sustainable urban development in general?

We argue that an inclusive and sustainable urban development is possible, cities could be a place to implement innovative solutions with the aim of a just and green future, and social factors are getting more attention in sustainability projects, which highlights the need for a more holistic view rather than just technical solutions. An important tool is to install participation processes that ensure diverse representation through context-dependent quotas to involve as many different perspectives and knowledges as possible to ultimately support in achieving sustainability targets. Indigenous peoples and their knowledges need to be included in urban development to assure a city and an urban identity for all, and at the same time, it needs to be secured that their cultures are not commercialised but cultural-sensitively respected. Including Indigenous peoples and giving credit to their knowledges and innovations could challenge or even deconstruct still existing rural/non-innovative narratives. Disrespect for Indigenous peoples and their knowledges, colonisation and assimilation also expressed in and through urbanisation processes left no place for them in cities and framed them as minorities: this needs to change.

Based on our research on urban identities, with this article we aimed to showcase the added value of interdisciplinary research through reflecting on an inclusive and sustainable urban development that is informed by insights from both, social sciences and engineering. A culturally sensitive urban development needs to be supported by all the knowledges that are out there. For achieving the goals articulated by the 2030 Agenda the urban level is crucial – without inclusive and sustainable urban spaces that are shaped by and are accessible for minority groups and Indigenous peoples, the goals will be neither achieved on the local level nor globally. This is not only the case for the European Arctic but a challenge for urban spaces all over the world.

Moa Mattsson, Master of Science in Energy Engineering, is a PhD student at Umeå University. In her PhD, she looks at sustainable city planning with focus on energy, particularly on the concept of Positive Energy Districts (PED). Jacqueline Götze, Master of Arts in Political Science, is a researcher at the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) and a PhD candidate at the University of Bonn. In her PhD, she looks at Saami-EU relations out of a power-sensitive perspective

References[+]

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