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While its historical involvement in the polar regions may appear to favor the Antarctic over the Arctic, France still has a long history of involvement in the Circumpolar North dating back several centuries. French fishing and whaling fleets were active in the North Atlantic as early as the 17th century, and French explorers and voyageurs traveled through the northern parts of what is today Canada even before then. Foreshadowing the strong French scientific presence that would develop in the region, the La Recherche expedition was one of the most famous scientific expeditions of the 19th century—a legacy continued by later polar explorers such as Jean-Baptiste Charcot and Paul-Émile Victor. Today, the French sub-Arctic territory of Saint Pierre et Miquelon is another factor motivating Paris to engage with the region.

Within France, various organizations and governmental agencies have emerged as thought- and policy-leaders regarding the country’s involvement in the Arctic. In 1992, the Institut Polaire Français Paul-Émile Victor (IPEV)—a public interest group composed of nine public and parastatal organizations—was founded. More recently, the French National Centre for Scientific Development (CNRS) created the French Arctic Initiative, which aims to coordinate the scientific activities performed by French universities and laboratories in the region. In 2006, the think-tank Le Cercle Polaire (CP) was founded with the aim of “developing and promoting a true scientific understanding of the Arctic and Antarctic regions, and [encouraging]…the preservation of polar environments.” More recently, the Observatoire de l’Arctique was launched ahead of the publication of the 2016 Arctic Roadmap and is jointly led by the Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique (FRS) and the Direction Générale des Relations Internationales et de la Stratégie (DGRIS), which is part of the Ministry of Armed Forces. The Observatory monitors trends that may affect France’s strategic interests in the region.

In recognition of the growing importance of the polar regions, France appointed an Ambassador for international negotiations on the polar regions in 2009—at the time the first ambassador-level diplomat appointed specifically for the polar regions by a non-Arctic country. The post is currently held by Olivier Poivre d’Arvor.

In April 2022, France released its new Polar Strategy for 2030. It also announced new funding for existing French Arctic and Antarctic scientific research capabilities, as well as a new Arctic research base: the Tara Polar Station. The strategy notably includes security and geopolitical elements clarifying France’s strategic approach to the Arctic. It also announced the creation of an Interministerial Committee for the Sea and the Poles, placed under the Prime Minister’s authority.

France has been an observer on the Barents Euro-Arctic Council since 1990, acquired Observer status at the Arctic Council in 2000, and is a frequent participant in forums such as the Arctic Circle.

This page was last updated on 1 August 2022. If we have missed anything, please contact info@thearcticinstitute.org.

In 2016 France launched its National Roadmap for the Arctic. The document, which was the first French document of its kind for the region, seeked to identify French interests in the region, enhance the legitimacy of French participation in the Arctic, strike a balance in the governance of the Arctic Ocean, and ensure adequate environmental protection for the region’s ecosystems. The document further refined its focus to scientific research, economic opportunities, marine protection, security interests, French participation in international fora, the role of the EU in the region, and finding a common interest. For the most part, the document reiterated and codified France’s longstanding approach to the region.

Paris has, for example, spearheaded efforts to increase EU participation in the Arctic Council, and is on record as wanting the EU to have a more important position within the organization. Furthermore, France has emerged as a leader in global efforts on climate action, including notably hosting the 2015 UN Climate Change Conference in Paris. That same year, the then-President François Hollande was a featured speaker at the 2015 Arctic Circle Conference in Reykjavik in the immediate lead-up to the conference and used the platform to speak to environmental concerns.

Strategically, France seems to be increasing its presence in the region and has acknowledged that its role in both the EU and NATO could lead it, albeit indirectly, into assuming a strategic posture in the region. The 2013 White Paper on Defence and National Security concluded, for example, that “…the reduction in Arctic sea ice already has strategic consequences and the prospect of regular use of new Arctic shipping lanes is drawing closer.” Accordingly, France continues to develop its in-theater strategic capabilities. French submarines routinely patrol in the Arctic Ocean and French troops regularly take part in multinational exercises, drills, and training programs in the region. Most recently, the Cold Response exercise that unfolded in March 2022 included a major French Navy component. The Defence Ministry has continued to develop the military’s “Arctic-friendly” capabilities and maintains troops equipped for cold-weather deployments that could be used in a regional crisis.

In late 2019 the French Ministry of Armed Forces released France and the New Strategic Challenges in the Arctic. Despite being largely a reiteration of previous commitments, a comment in the preamble by a former Prime Minister, Michel Rocard, caused a minor controversy. Commenting on the strategic value of the region, Rocard summarized his view on the region as such: “The Arctic? It’s a second Middle East!” The idea that the Arctic was a potential zone of confrontation—one that was also spelled out in the 2017 Strategic Review of the Ministry for the Armed Forces—was, at the time, seen to clash with the messaging coming from Arctic states, such as Norway, which have emphasized the cooperative nature of arctic international relations.

In April 2022, under the impetus of the French Ambassador to the Poles and Maritime Issues, Olivier Poivre d’Arvor, France released its first standalone Polar Strategy for 2030, addressing France’s interests in both the Arctic and the Antarctic regions. At an institutional level, the document announced the creation of an Interministerial Committee for the Sea and the Poles, placed under the Prime Minister’s authority.

The strategy also notably features strong security elements clarifying France’s strategic approach to the Arctic. In particular, the strategy explicitly acknowledges great power competition and the range of impacts on the Arctic from Russia’s war on Ukraine—signaling a departure from France’s once inclusive language and from its past ambitions to maintain dialogue with Russia on Arctic matters. To this point, the document mentions France’s halted plan to co-organize the 4th edition of the Arctic Science Ministerial with Russia in 2023. The document stands out from its strong wording by calling Russia’s behavior a threat to the region, and reiterates France’s view of the Arctic as a ground for “potential international confrontation.” Through the strategy, France also announced its ambition to lead foresight efforts in the region and to host informal multilateral discussions.

While France has historically involved itself more with the Antarctic than the Arctic, it nonetheless has significant historical, economic, and scientific ties to the region. As the Arctic grows in global importance, France appears to be positioning itself to ramp up its involvement in the region and take a more active role in regional diplomacy and governance. However, as a non-Arctic nation, its ability to do so is somewhat limited. Accordingly, France has emerged as an advocate for an increased role in the region for supranational organizations such as the European Union, via which it may be able to exert greater influence on regional affairs than it would be able to as an individual nation-state. In this regard, the community-based approach is strongly emphasized in the new Polar Strategy, which was released in the context of the EU Council’s French presidency. Likewise, as one of the more powerful militaries in NATO, France is taking a more active role in security and strategic concerns in the region and is increasing its cold-weather capabilities should a regional deployment of its military become necessary.