The Arctic This Week Take Five: Week of 20 November, 2023
Planned Expansion of a Rankin Inlet Mine Not Recommended by the Nunavut Impact Review Board
As CBC News reported on November 20, the Nunavut Impact Review Board (NIRB) recommended against Agnico Eagle’s proposed expansion of the Meliadine gold mine near Rankin Inlet, Nunavut, citing a potential negative impact on nearby caribou calving grounds. The NIRB’s assessment highlighted the uncertainty of the project’s long-term environmental effects, which would see the mine’s operation extended by 11 years as well as the construction of an 11-turbine wind farm. The final decision on the mine’s future now rests with Canada’s Minister of Northern Affairs, Daniel Vandal, who has 180 days to respond. (CBC News)
Take 1: The strong consensus among various local stakeholders, including the Rankin Inlet Hunters and Trappers Organization, the Government of Nunavut, and community members against the expansion of the Meliadne mine underscores the vital role of caribou in Northern communities. During public hearings about the project’s expansion, concerns over the health of the Qamanirjuaq caribou herd and their access to calving grounds dominated discussion. The board’s recommendation reflects significant uncertainties surrounding the proposed expansion, emphasizing the need for further research and monitoring. Agnico Eagle’s actions seem to indicate that the company has underestimated the importance of these concerns, focusing on the potential for new local job opportunities to persuade stakeholders instead. The firm only suggested moving the wind farm’s site further from caribou calving grounds on the final day of the hearing, despite strong evidence that the turbines can adversely impact the caribou’s health and migration routes. While the NIRB’s decision is not binding and serves only as a recommendation for the Minister of Northern Affairs, the opposition to the Meliadine mine’s expansion is a reminder to mining companies that they must take Inuit stakeholders and the importance of caribou seriously if they want to ensure long-term support. (CBC News, CBC News, Nunatsiaq News)
Greenland Decides to Join the Paris Agreement on Climate Change
As reported by High North News on November 17, the Parliament of Greenland, Inatsisartut, has decided that the country will join the 2015 Paris Agreement. The next steps involve creating a national climate strategy and establishing nationally determined contributions (NDC) that are expected to come into effect in 2030. The Paris Agreement is a legally binding international treaty that aims to limit the increase in global average temperatures to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and preferably to 1.5°C or below. (High North News)
Take 2: Greenland’s formal accession to the Paris Agreement marks the fulfillment of a commitment first announced in 2021 at the UN climate summit. Moreover, it is indicative of Greenland’s ambition to embed climate considerations within its pursuit of more autonomous governance. Notably, Greenland was among the few countries to request a territorial reservation when Denmark, along with 195 other parties, ratified the Paris Agreement in 2015. This exemption, aimed at abstaining from Denmark’s decarbonisation targets, stemmed from concerns that strict emission reduction mandates could stifle Greenland’s economic growth, deemed essential for reducing the reliance on Denmark’s financial subsidies, or annual ‘Block Grant’. Joining the Agreement is thus a pivotal step, highlighting Greenland’s evolving perspective on climate change. The region, severely impacted by global warming, faces a paradox of having one of the highest per capita carbon footprints, primarily driven by its dependence on mining, fisheries, and air transport. However, the true extent of Greenland’s commitment to combating climate change will only become clear in 2030, when it starts to actively implement its emissions reduction targets. This development, however, unequivocally signals Greenland’s political leaders’ prioritization of climate change issues and their belief that increased independence from Denmark can be pursued without a heavy reliance on carbon-intensive sectors. (High North News, Polar Journal, United Nations)
Russia Sends Asylum Seekers Across the Border with Finland in Freezing Temperatures
As reported by The Barents Observer on November 20, a group of 35 asylum seekers from Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan arrived on bicycles at the border checkpoint near Salla in Northern Finland, with temperatures reaching below -22°C. The precise circumstances of their arrival are still being investigated. Finnish authorities stated there are indications of an organized Russian effort, as Russia has full control of their border zone and the nearest Russian town is far away. Increasing numbers of asylum seekers at Finnish checkpoints in recent days have prompted Finland to close four of its checkpoints on the border with Russia. (The Barents Observer)
Take 3: The latest influx of asylum seekers arriving at the Finnish border checkpoint near Salla appears to be part of a deliberate strategy by Russia to weaponize asylum-seeking populations against the European Union, with Finland as a particular target. While Norway also shares a northern border with Russia, it is much shorter and has not seen similar arrivals of migrants. Over 500 asylum seekers have arrived at the Finnish border so far in November, prompting Finland to close four southeastern border crossings on November 18. This action has concentrated asylum-seeking opportunities at only a few remaining northern checkpoints, including Salla. In response to the ongoing situation, the Finnish government is preparing the closure of an additional four border crossings, which would effectively seal Finland’s border with Russia. The funnelling of asylum seekers to the Finnish border seems to be part of a larger Russian “hybrid strategy” to create discord in Finnish society, especially after Finland’s accession to NATO. The use of migration as a geopolitical weapon carries severe human costs. Many of the arrivals are unprepared for the harsh -20°C temperatures, and there have been tragic incidents in the past, including at least one death due to hypothermia. While casting uncertainty on the movement of both citizens and non-citizens in Northern Finland, Russia’s actions also emphasize the complex and evolving nature of security risks in the Arctic. (Eye on the Arctic, Eye on the Arctic, Ministry of the Interior of Finland, The Barents Observer, Yle.fi)
New Russian Icebreaker To be Named Stalingrad
As reported by The Barents Observer on November 20, a new Russian nuclear icebreaker that was supposed to be called Kamchatka will now be named Stalingrad. The city of Stalingrad, renamed to Volgograd in 1961, was the site of a historic battle during World War II. It is reported that President Putin has approved the name change to commemorate the battle, which was widely seen as a turning point in the war. The construction of the ship is expected to begin in 2024 and will be Russia’s sixth icebreaker of the Project 22220 series. (The Barents Observer)
Take 4: Russia’s recent decision to rename one of its icebreakers represents a deliberate act of symbolism, signaling heightened political ambitions in the Arctic and a revival of Soviet-era strategies. This rebranding, part of a trend that also includes changing the name of the icebreaker Sakhalin to Leningrad—echoing the Soviet name for St. Petersburg—fits into the larger context of Russia’s escalating militarization of the Arctic region. This includes investments in new nuclear-powered submarines and icebreakers, signaling a continuation of historical patterns established during the Soviet era. Under Stalin, incorporating the Arctic into the Soviet Empire was a key objective, a legacy that President Putin seems determined to continue, seeking to maximize Russia’s military and economic influence in the region. The Soviet era witnessed the establishment of forced labor camps, gulags, in the Arctic, leading to the creation of cities like Vorkuta which still exist today north of the Arctic Circle. While coal mining was the primary industry in the Arctic during the Soviet era, Russia’s focus has now shifted to oil and gas exploration and capitalizing on new shipping routes opened by global warming. The renaming of the icebreaker is more than a mere gesture; it signifies a continuity in Russia’s strategic approach to the Arctic, echoing policies from Stalin’s rule and underlining Russia’s ongoing commitment to enhancing its Arctic capabilities. (Harvard University Press, Radio Free Europe, The Barents Observer)
Alaska Senator Lisa Murkowski Pushes for US Ratification of the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea
As reported by High North News on November 22, US Senator for Alaska, Lisa Murkowski, and a group of other senators put forward a resolution urging the Senate to ratify the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). UNCLOS, which dictates international maritime law, was highlighted by Murkowski in the proposal as crucial for US interests, particularly for addressing disputes over seabed claims in the Arctic Ocean. Though the US signed UNCLOS in 1994, it has yet to be ratified, requiring a two-thirds majority in the Senate. (High North News)
Take 5: Senator Murkowski’s focus on the ratification of the UNCLOS, especially considering that many other members of her party view the convention as an encroachment on American sovereignty, attests to the importance of the Arctic Ocean to the US and the need to be able to access international dispute resolution mechanisms. Murkowski mentions both the South China Sea and the Arctic Ocean as areas of essential strategic importance to the US. In the Arctic Ocean, Canada has recently expanded its seabed claim in direct competition with Greenland and Russia. Seabed mining, as well as critical military and civilian infrastructure, are two of the current concerns in the Arctic Ocean. The US shares an overlapping continental shelf with Canada, which in 2019 defined its continental shelf under the UNCLOS as an area of 1.2 million square kilometres of seabed, including the North Pole. The US cannot register any claims of its own without ratifying the UNCLOS. As Murkowski is putting forward the resolution with a bipartisan group of senators, it is clear that at least part of the US Senate considers the Arctic Ocean a US priority, regardless of party affiliation. This development highlights the growing significance of the Arctic Ocean for international relations, and the critical status of the UNCLOS as a basic requirement for states to gain access to commercially lucrative or strategically important seabed claims. (Global Affairs Canada, High North News, High North News)